These quotations come from political movements arguing about who should govern whom.
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1. Look back at the ten quotations. Which three were hardest to place? What made them difficult?
2. If you could ask one question about each movement — something not in the language of the quotation — what would it be? What would actually help you evaluate the claim?
Every quotation in this instrument has been used — in the same words, or words so similar they cannot be distinguished — by more than one of the movements you were sorting between. In some cases, all four.
This is not a trick. It is the point. The language of self-determination, democratic legitimacy, and the will of the people is designed to be universal. It travels between movements with very different histories, very different relationships to power, and very different structural situations.
Political language tells you what people want. It does not tell you whether the claim is justified. To evaluate a sovereignty claim, you need something the language alone cannot give you.
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Having read the structural details of all four cases: do they still seem equivalent to you, or has what you just read changed how you think about any of them?
Which case do you find hardest to classify now? Why?
Each of the four cases was chosen because it destroys a different rule you might use to evaluate sovereignty claims.
Ireland breaks the assumption that existing political unions are necessarily legitimate — conquest is a foundation, but not a stable one.
Scotland breaks the assumption that only colonial subjects can claim self-determination — a nation can make the claim even within a union it partly chose.
Brexit breaks the assumption that self-determination is always the claim of weaker actors against stronger ones — the world's fifth largest economy made the same argument.
Catalonia breaks the assumption that democracy resolves the question — the dispute persists even when both sides claim democratic legitimacy.
You are now in the same position as international lawyers, historians, and political theorists: in possession of more structural information than Stage 1 provided, and still without a clean answer. That discomfort is not a failure. It is where careful thinking about political legitimacy begins.